Their views only hardened as the regime brutally cracked down on their largely peaceful protests. This younger cohort, including Generation Z and millennials, came of age during the decade of semi-civilian governance and has refused to accept a return to military rule. The coup has helped bring to the fore a new generation, who were instrumental in launching what they call the Spring Revolution in its aftermath, organising nationwide demonstrations, strikes and boycotts. In some respects, the NLD was even less inclusive than its predecessor, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, to the disappointment of activists, civil society figures and some within the party itself. There was progress toward greater inclusivity during the ten years of semi-civilian rule, between 20, but deeply entrenched conservative attitudes and practical barriers erected during half a century of military dictatorship served to keep most women and young people out of formal politics. Aung San Suu Kyi, the elected National League for Democracy (NLD) leader ousted by the coup, was a notable exception, in part because she is Western-educated and the daughter of independence leader Aung San. Prior to the coup, political power in Myanmar lay almost exclusively in the hands of older men. No end is in sight to Myanmar’s crisis and its outcome is far from clear, but changing norms within the resistance are likely to influence the country’s politics and society over time. Armed groups should move from assigning people to posts based on gender, possibly by giving both men and women more choice in how they are deployed. They should do more to deepen inclusion, particularly of women and youth from diverse socio-economic and ethnic backgrounds. They would also gain from doing so, in that otherwise they may lose core supporters’ sympathies. The National Unity Government and other anti-regime forces have strong normative reasons to address this problem. Their power within the movements remains limited, however, and intensified fighting in much of the country further jeopardises it. Post-coup opposition movements have created opportunities for these people to take on roles that earlier were off limits. Donors should increase support for women- and youth-led organisations, while anti-regime armed groups should review the gendered way they assign recruits.Ī young generation, particularly women, are at the forefront of Myanmar’s armed and non-violent resistance to the 2021 coup d’état, challenging longstanding age and gender norms and hierarchies. What should be done? The parallel National Unity Government should move beyond tokenism to genuinely include women and youth from diverse backgrounds in decision-making to build its credibility and break down patriarchal barriers. The outcome of Myanmar’s post-coup crisis is uncertain, but changing norms within the anti-military resistance may well shape politics and society more broadly. Policy priorities are skewed to women’s and youth’s detriment. Why does it matter? Older men have traditionally dominated Myanmar politics – Aung San Suu Kyi being a notable exception. Yet two years after the coup they remain largely excluded from formal political power, and their role in the opposition movement often goes unacknowledged. What’s new? Young people, particularly young women, have been visible and important contributors to the anti-military resistance, challenging age and gender norms in patriarchal Myanmar society.
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